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Power as Wealth & Income | ||||
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The Upper Class: Social Power | ||||
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The Upper Class: Economic Power | ||||
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The Upper Class: Political Power | ||||
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The Executive Branch | ||||
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Campaign Financing | ||||
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The Public Policy Process | ||||
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Lobbying |
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The laws & traditions of campaign financing allow those w/ money & power to have a greater influence, thus in the US, the upper class, the corporate class, & the upper middle class have disproportionate influence on govt. compared to the general public | |||||
During the 1950's C. Wright Mills said little on campaign financing because this process was relatively less important during the Cold War Era | |||||
Today campaign financing is a major method of influence | |||||
Examples of Presidential races political spending: | |||||
1972: Nixon $60 mm McGovern $30 mm | |||||
1992: Perot: 70 mm of own money | |||||
1996: Dole: 250 mm Clinton 140 mm | |||||
This gap caused Democrats to get very sloppy in accepting $ | |||||
A new technique to raise political funds, which is used by both parties is to have the Party, rather than the candidate, accept $$ and run "general political ads" | |||||
In the 2000 Presidential election, Forbes tried to defeat other Republicans with his "front loading" i.e. spending big in the primaries | |||||
In the 2000 Presidential election, GW Bush opted out of Federal Election matching funds because it is the only way he could keep up w/ Forbes | |||||
Bush is aiming for $1/2 billion in the 2004 election | |||||
Examples of Senate race political costs | |||||
1978: $35 mm from special interest groups | |||||
1980: 50 mm | |||||
1988: 150 mm and average seat cost $ 4 mm | |||||
The VA Gubernatorial election in 2001 was the most expensive in VA history | |||||
Early in our democracy, all politicians financed their own campaigns | |||||
Thus, early in our democracy, only a “wealthy gentleman” could run | |||||
Early in our democracy, the wealthy gentleman did not “run for office,” he “stood for office” | |||||
The men of the gentlemen bought all the food & ale & gave speeches | |||||
At some point political campaigns just became too expensive even for wealthy individuals | |||||
Only a few politicians can afford to finance their own campaigns today: | |||||
Perot & Forbes are the only Presidential candidates in recent history
to use their own money
Perot also took contributions & Fed Matching Funds while Forbes has not A few Congress people & governors have funded their own campaigns |
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Nixon was found guilty in the Watergate hearings (1972 election), so election reform was passed in 1974 | |||||
- voluntary $1 check off contribution on tax form | |||||
- this creates Fed matching funds | |||||
- direct, personal funds limit of $1000 | |||||
- direct, organization funds limit of $5000 | |||||
- soft money, which is given by PACs to the National Political Committees is legal & unlimited | |||||
The 1974 campaign finance reforms merely changed the route of the flow of the $$$ | |||||
After, the 1974 campaign finance reforms, PACs exploded in number | |||||
In 1980, 1585 corporate PACs gave $ 36 mm | |||||
In 1980, 240 union PACs gave $ 13 mm | |||||
Politicians, Rep & Democrats insist there is no quid pro quo in contributions: in that they receive money, but give no assurance the issue will be addressed-- so it is not a bribe | |||||
But there is a high correlation between amount of $ given, & a particular candidates overall voting record for both Rep & Democrats | |||||
A possible Campaign Reforms Proposed in 1997, did not pass, & would have limited soft money | |||||
The 1997 Campaign Reform Proposal would have limit soft money | |||||
The problem w/ limiting soft money is that some believe it limits “free speech” & possibly total amount candidate can spend | |||||
Many commentators believe that the even w/ campaign finance reform, the political process will always find another way to get money into campaigns | |||||
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Other solutions being considered for campaign finance reform include: | ||||
- the limiting of the amount campaigns can spend for each office | |||||
- finance elections completely w/ federal funds only | |||||
- partially finance elections to a greater degree than the matching funds now available | |||||
- the demand for full & immediate disclosure of money campaign contributions | |||||
- the elimination of all non voluntary contributions from unions, employees, etc. |
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The McCain-Feingold, Campaign Finance Reform Act of 2002 was under Supreme Ct. review in 2003 & a decision was given in time to influence the outcome of the 2004 Presidential election |
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In the judicial review of the McCain-Feingold, Campaign Finance Reform Act of 2002, it was found that limiting campaign contributions was constitutional & in the national interest | |||||
Post 2004 election, it was found that while the McCain-Feingold, Campaign Finance Reform Act of 2002 limited contributions from individuals, & required full & nearly immediate disclosure of who was giving money to whom, it also allowed the creation of small, independent political campaigning entities | |||||
An example of the new small, independent political campaigning entities formed under the McCain-Feingold Act is the Swift Boat Veterans (against Dem Pres Candidate Kerry) |
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- Project: Policy Actors |
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- Project: The Public Policy Process, Domhoff's Analysis, & Reform of Campaign Financing & Lobbying |
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Summary of the Public Policy Process: | |||||
Industry & interest group lobbying has influence at all stages of the public policy process, & beyond | |||||
Congress passes laws | |||||
Lobbyists, industry, government agencies, the Public, et al offer "advice" ( lobbying & influence ) | |||||
The prospective law is signed or vetoed, or line item vetoed by the President | |||||
The law given to the appropriate government agency for implementation | |||||
Agencies make draft rules which are printed in Federal Register for public approval | |||||
Agencies review public comments & write final rules | |||||
Agencies implement rules | |||||
During implementation, rules must be interpreted and decisions must be made | |||||
Courts interpret laws & rules | |||||
The upper class directly shapes govt policy by impacting the public policy process | |||||
Govt. policy & the public policy process is the least recognized by the general public, but it is the area where the public could have great influence | |||||
Several types of policy are "routine" in that they are specified in the Constitution or law & occur regularly | |||||
Fiscal policy is perhaps the most visible govt policy | |||||
Fiscal policy is the most open to the democratic process & thus highly influenced by the upper class, the corporate class & the upper middle class | |||||
Fiscal Policy includes primarily fed law on taxing & spending | |||||
Monetary policy is "insulated from politics" which results in almost no input from the general public & great power by the President | |||||
Broad monetary policy issues include unemployment & interest rates which are “insulated from politics” by independent boards | |||||
The Federal Reserve Board's members appointed for 7 yr. terms during which they set major interest rates and the money supply | |||||
Federal Reserve Board members are very difficult to remove, so a President picks them carefully | |||||
Domhoff on Government Policy |
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1. Domhoff believes that the upper class, the corporate class & the upper middle class provide most of the money in the political process | |||||
2. Domhoff believes that the upper class, the corporate class & the upper middle class provide most of the money to fund think tanks, foundations, university research, etc. | |||||
3. Domhoff believes that the info from think tanks, foundations, university research, etc. is funneled into the policy process as evidence/data | |||||
4. Domhoff believes that the info from think tanks, foundations, university research, etc. is funneled directly to the government to influence the policy making process | |||||
5. Domhoff believes that the info from think tanks, foundations, university research, etc. is funneled directly to the media to influence policy & public opinion | |||||
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The policy formation process is seen as increasingly important in our information age society |
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There are many "players' or actors in the policy formation
process, that lobby & produce policy documents, including:
- corporations - the upper class (i.e. those w/ personal fortunes) - foundations - universities ( granting agencies ) - policy planning groups ( think tanks ) - govt. commissions, councils, etc. - national news media - executive agencies, president, congressional committees, courts - social movements (conservative, liberal, centrist, etc.) |
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Each of the players in the policy formation process has a direct role in making policy, & lobbying the other players | |||||
Miscellaneous interest groups (e.g. environmental groups, gun groups, anti- & pro- abortion, etc.) & the general public (& organized publics) have input into the public policy process through letters, phone, email, direct contact: spontaneous or "solicited" | |||||
Interest groups & the general public (& organized publics) sometimes produce policy documents as do the "players" discussed above, but more often they simply lobby by voicing their opinion | |||||
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See Also: Policy Formation Process ( Making Law ) | ||||
See Also: Participants in the Env Debate | |||||
Examples of policy planning groups | |||||
Brookings Institute | |||||
American Enterprise Institute | |||||
Cato Business Council | |||||
Heritage | |||||
Council on Foreign Relations | |||||
Committee on Economic Development | |||||
RAND Corporation | |||||
University boards are influenced & staffed by members of the upper class | |||||
Profs & other researchers understand that there are political implications to their work & that policy planning grps will line up for or against them | |||||
Blue ribbon panels are "independent," temporary committees which are tasked w/ examining special problems such as riots, the CIA, energy, corruption, accidents, etc. | |||||
The media is often said to be liberal, but it is becoming increasingly focused on info-tainment, centralized, controlled by major corps, & big money oriented | |||||
Turner vs. Murdock; Time, Newsweek, US News & World Report | |||||
There are many processes for transferring money in the policy formation
process, including:
- gifts ( donations to politicians & the other players, gifts to universities, etc. ) - endowments - grants - contracts - direct financing of projects |
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There are many process for transferring information in the policy
formation process, including:
- research findings - personal research reports - policy recommendations - reports & news items - govt. reports - think tank reports |
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- Supplement: Gates' Lobbying |
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THE ACTORS IN THE POLICY PROCESS | |||||
There are many "Players' or actors in the policy formation
process, that lobby & produce policy documents
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Each policy actor has a direct role in making policy, & lobbying the other players | |||||
Miscellaneous interest groups (e.g. envl groups, gun groups, anti- & pro- abortion, etc.) & the general public (& organized publics) have input through letters, phone, email, direct contact: spontaneous or "solicited" | |||||
Interest groups & the general public (& organized publics) sometimes produce policy documents as do the "players" discussed above, but more often they simply lobby by voicing their opinion | |||||
See Also: The Policy Formation Process ( Making Law ) | |||||
See Also: Participants in the Envl Debate | |||||
CONGRESSIONAL LOBBYING IS WHERE MOST LOBBYING OCCURS | |||||
Congressional lobbying is a high stakes, risky "business" | |||||
In the past, all Congressmen had safes in their offices where they kept the money lobbyists gave them | |||||
Today, the distinction btwn lobbyist & contributor is wider; only that there is no quid pro quo | |||||
In 1990, there were more than 6,800 congressional lobbying groups in the US, however most of them tend to represent certain groups of interests, such as Domhoff three key interest groups | |||||
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Lobbyists are all registered: There are 8000 registered lobbyists in the mid 1990s |
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In 2005, there were more than 14,000 registered lobbying groups in Washington, DC, averaging just over two employees each for a total over 30,000 lobbyists (many lobbying firms are small) | |||||
In 2005, there were approximately 30,000 members of Congress & staff members, making the ratio of lobbyists to officials on the Hill nearly 1 to 1 | |||||
In the early 90s the total value of earmarks added to bills was under $100 mm, while in 2005 the value was over $32 bb | |||||
Because of corporate influence on govt, there is an inverse relation of corporate size & the amount of taxes paid | |||||
ENVL LOBBYISTS PERFECTED LOBBYING FOR INTEREST GRPS | |||||
Since the late 1960s, the envl mvmt developed lobbying & political tactics for interest groups, NGO's, etc. | |||||
W/ the dawn of the envl mvmt in the 1960s, the envl mvmt first focused on passage of fed envl laws, e.g. lobbying Congress | |||||
Today, the envl mvmt plays a greater role: | |||||
a. in the implementation of envl regs | |||||
b. court cases about the env | |||||
c. w/ state laws, implementation & court cases | |||||
INDL LOBBYISTS HAVE A VERY LONG RECORD OF LOBBYING | |||||
Industry groups developed counter interest groups of lobbying & political tactics | |||||
In the past, industry appeared to give up after the policy adoption stage, i.e. law making, only to come back during implementation | |||||
Now, like the envl mvmt, industry struggles w/ policy at all levels | |||||
Industry has attempted to keep the envl mvmt out of the rule making & implementation processes by limiting public access to rule making | |||||
THE GOVT IS THE TARGET OF LOBBYING | |||||
In the rule making process, a person must show standing by showing continuing interest in a project or by showing a material interest | |||||
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Participation is difficult due to short comment periods on proposed rules; usually 30 days | ||||
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After Reagan's govtl downsizing of the govt, agencies & commissions are often ill equipped & under funded when it comes to implementing policy |
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Most govt agencies are ill equipped to handle public comment, & this is a place where social scientist are useful in govt. |
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Most govt. agencies are heavily lobbied at all stages of the implementation process & thus try to find "legal peace" among conflicting parties |
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Most people & agencies in govt. ( Congressmen & women, Reps, etc. ) all respond similarly to lobbying by seeking legal peace & compromise among the parties |
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In seeking compromise, govt agencies often seek simply to end the conflict rather than finding the most just outcome that may reduce conflict, but not totally end it | |||||
In seeking less than optimally just outcomes, & instead pursing legal peace, govt agencies are eschewing their responsibility to the greater good, ignoring the fact that they too are a player in the public policy formulation process & not merely a broker | |||||
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The policy implementation is a slow, minutely focused, incremental process |
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Rules, procedures, etc. change, minutely, year by year, month by month, even day by day |
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EXAMPLES OF LOBBYING ON ENVL ISSUES | |||||
THE SALVAGE LOGGING RIDER | |||||
In the salvage logging example, lobbyists lobbied over the definition of a dead tree |
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1994 was a big wildfire season & therefore in the fall of 1994 & spring & fall of 1995, salvage logging of the burned trees became a priority, which was strongly lobbied |
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As a result of lobbying, the Salvage Logging Rider ( SLR ) was passed after the devastating 1994 fire season |
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While there was considerable lobbying around the passage of the SLR itself, lobbying continued throughout the formation of the agency rules to implement the law as seen in the counting of "dead" trees, which may be salvage logged | ||||
The players in the SLR policy debate developed policy because there was no "science" on determining when a tree is dead | |||||
The players in the SLR policy debate knew that if you wait too long, dead trees cannot be harvested | |||||
W/ the SLR there was approximately a 1 year window to salvage the burned timber before the wood became too rotten | |||||
W/ the SLR FS personnel, loggers, & envlists argued about the criteria such as 'what % of each species of tree can be brown & it is still likely that the tree will survive?' | |||||
In the SLR policy debate, 3 parties argued over actual measurement of brown needles on fire damaged trees | |||||
W/ the SLR the FS, the logging corps, & the envlist went to court & a compromise was reached over how to define a dead tree | |||||
Compromises in policy are often based as much on politics as science | |||||
The implementation of salvage logging changed day by day as either logging corps or envl group members "worked w/" FS officials in the office or out in the field | |||||
FOREST HEALTH | |||||
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In 2002 & 2003, an example of a public policy debate included the proposed Forest Health Legislation | ||||
In the 2002/03 proposed Forest Health Legislation, the public policy issue was whether the forest was overgrown because of wildland fire suppression | |||||
Public policy explored whether the problem of forest health existed & how it could be fixed | |||||
The solutions to forest health, whether the problem exists or not included burning, mechanical thinning, logging, some combination of the above | |||||
The forest health public policy debate explored where should the problem be addressed, including in the WUI, in the back country, in particular areas chosen according to particular criteria, etc. | |||||
The forest health public policy sought to define WUI, by for example, determining whether it included watersheds, rural zones, etc. | |||||
Some players in the forest health public policy sought to exclude NEPA, public comment, & to include categorical exclusions ( CEs ) | |||||
An example of a public policy debate included whether Microsoft is involved in accusations of monopolistic practices | |||||
The example of the Microsoft public policy saw, for the first time, Microsoft "becoming involved in politics" by contributing $$$ to the Republican Party |
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